Documentario silvio berlusconi biography pdf
Il berlusconismo nella storia d’Italia
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t andf online. com/ loi/ rit a20 Il berlusconismo nella storia d’ Italia Flavio Chiapponi a a Universit y of Pavia Published online: 08 Oct To cite this article: Flavio Chiapponi (): Il berlusconismo nella st oria d’ It alia, Cont emporary It alian Polit ics, DOI: / To link to this article: ht t p: / / dx. doi. org/ / PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTI CLE Taylor & Francis m akes every effort t o ensure t he accuracy of all t he inform at ion ( t he “ Cont ent ” ) cont ained in t he publicat ions on our plat form .
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Any subst ant ial or syst em at ic reproduct ion, redist ribut ion, reselling, loan, sub- licensing, syst em at ic supply, or dist ribut ion in any form t o anyone is expressly forbidden. Term s & Condit ions of access and use can be found at ht t p: / / www.t / page/ t erm sand- condit ions Contemporary Italian Politics, BOOK REVIEW Downloaded by [Universita Studi di Pavia], [Flavio Chiapponi] at 24 October Il berlusconismo nella storia d’Italia, by Giovanni Orsina, Venezia, Marsilio, , pp., € (paperback), ISBN What is the ideological core of Silvio Berlusconi’s political discourse?
Why did it win the enduring support of large numbers of Italian voters? And how can we account for the failure to achieve the ‘liberal revolution’ which Berlusconi promised? Giovanni Orsina deals with these key questions and provides very persuasive answers. His starting point lies in a threefold assumption.
Silvio berlusconi Only 60 days before the election, he started Forza Italia and through carefully selected efforts — mainly through his media empire — he took home the victory. Forgot your password? Dit resulteert in een prettig leesbare biografie. Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet.First, as it succeeded in representing a massive portion of the Italian electorate, Berlusconi’s political discourse cannot be conceived of as having lacked any ideological substance. Second, in order to grasp this matter, the adoption of an extended historical perspective is warmly recommended; indeed, ‘Berlusconism’ can be fully understood only by shedding light on the specific habits that Italian political elites have displayed towards the masses over time.
Last, but not least, if one wishes to undertake this examination successfully, any negative predispositions have to be left aside, unlike those scholars who have scrutinised the Ptolemaic universe of Berlusconi’s ideology as if they were fierce supporters of Copernicusas Orsina asserts in vivid metaphorical prose (p. 13–14).
Based on these premises, Orsina’s first chapter describes the historical background to his analysis. That is, it seems that Italian political elites, from the Risorgimento () until the collapse of the so-called First Republic () have continuously displayed a couple of special qualities. Firstly, they have been much more involved in answering Plato’s question, ‘Who ought to rule?’, than the one asked by Karl Popper, ‘How can the people rid themselves of bad rulers?’ While the latter leads to the strengthening of democratic institutional devices, the former focuses only on the identity of the rulers, leaving the institutional issue untouched.
Secondly, throughout the period, Italian political leaders have conceived of themselves as the bearers of an ‘orthopaedic’ and ‘pedagogical’ programme (p. 25), i.e., a very ambitious manifesto aimed at ‘correcting’ and ‘educating’ the masses, who, in turn, have been endlessly regarded as backward. This Jacobin legacy has deeply moulded Italian political development.
As a matter of fact, once they obtained the power to rule, the Italian elites tried to fill the gap which separated Italy from the more advanced countries abroad.
This modernising agenda was often seen as a crucial mission, which had to be accomplished at any cost. This common path was followed by pre-World War I Liberal elites as well as by Mussolini’s Fascist regime and, again, by those democratically elected leaders who headed coalition governments after World War II. Thus operating, political elites in Italy were driven much more by the ‘politics of faith’ than by the ‘politics of scepticism’, to borrow Michael Oakeshott’s categories.
The second chapter provides a deeper look into the matter, focusing especially on the period – To summarise the main findings, in the post-war settlement, political parties played the main role in the game and each of them had its own ‘orthopaedic’ and ‘pedagogical’ recipe for Italy. As they gained full access to elected institutions, a wave of ‘anti-party’ sentiment grew up in Italian society.
Under this umbrella, Orsina places a variegated combination of right-wing voters who coupled a strong anti-Communism with Downloaded by [Universita Studi di Pavia], [Flavio Chiapponi] at 24 October 2 Book review an intense antagonism towards the anti-Fascist political elites. These attitudes seldom nourished an overt political reaction, as happened with the Uomo Qualunque party’s electoral success (–).
More commonly, owing to the prevailing political cleavage which shaped the Italian political system Communism versus anti-Communism, conservative electorates reluctantly supported the Christian Democrats, even if they were not entirely sympathetic to this party’s (carefully modernising) political project. This extensive (yet covert) ‘convenience voting’ led to the growing disenchantment of many right-wing Italians with their leaders.
The movement was particularly stimulated from , when it became clear that economic progress was not sufficient to overcome Italian political and cultural backwardness. The Centre–Left coalition cabinets, which saw the Christian Democrats and Socialists together in government, did not produce any significant advances. Why? Political elites did not change their ‘orthopaedic’ and ‘pedagogical’ style, nor modified their concept of politics, believing they could drive forward political and cultural development by their commitment to the politics of faith.
Thus, even if they tried to accomplish their reforming agenda, the ultimate result was quite the opposite: an increased distance between political leaders and the masses, especially right-leaning conservative voters.
Silvio berlusconi biography horn Victor Sonkin. Before there was real estate tycoon cum President-Elect Donald J. Uploaded by CarriC on April 29, Op basis van thematische hoofdstukken wordt het leven van Berlusconi ontplooid in een zeer prettige schrijfstijl.The sudden breakdown of the First Republic, under the weight of a number of prosecutions issued by magistrates against pervasive political corruption, symbolically and substantially represented the failure of political leaders, in their attempt to reform the country, and marked a turning point in Italian history. More precisely, it paved the way for Berlusconi’s political discourse.
As Orsina states in Chapter 3, its ideological core can be understood as a dramatic reaction to decades of unsuccessful ‘orthopaedic’ and ‘pedagogical’ lessons, given by political elites who conceived of themselves as better than their citizens. Berlusconi’s proposal embodies a remarkable reversion of the traditional approach to politics: if things get bad, the fault has to be ascribed to the bureaucracy and politicians, instead of to ordinary people.
If previous elites stressed Italy’s backwardness, Berlusconi highlights its virtues and abilities, in comparison with the incapable political leaders.
Veronica lario A few criticisms are that Friedman repeats a little too often for my taste and occasionally wanders in timelines, meaning he bounces from what year to the next and back again, leaving the reader a little disoriented at times. This is a tale of one of the most interesting and controversial characters of modern political Europe, narrated by the man himself. Displaying 1 - 25 of 25 reviews. Heel interessant om te lezen en geeft inzicht in de Europese politiek!As a former businessman, he praises popular wisdom against the complexities of a Byzantine state and the poor record shown by the ‘professionals of politics’. For decades, Italy has been accustomed to witnessing government by ‘hyper-politicised’ elites, marching under the flag of a ‘politics of faith’; now Berlusconi puts forward a new ‘hyper-political’ recipe, following a pattern nearer to the ‘politics of scepticism’.
Nonetheless, his political discourse is not entirely different from the preceding ones: like his predecessors, he seems to be more interested in answering Plato’s question. Put differently, the golden age will start simply by replacing the old elite with the new, the professionals of politics with the popular entrepreneur and his followers, regardless of any institutional design.
These are the roots of Berlusconi’s anti-institutionalism.
Documentario silvio berlusconi biography pdf Nie polecam. Includes index The natural-born seducer -- The deal maker -- The media mogul -- Apocalypse now -- The billionaire prime minister -- George Bush and the attack on Saddam -- A friend in the Kremlin -- Women! Editors: Thom Davies. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance.Once these components are revealed, the reasons why ‘Berlusconism’ has been so enthusiastically supported by those conservative anti-Communist and anti-Antifascist voters who made the Christian Democrats’ fortune in the past, are not so difficult to understand. In Orsina’s words, Berlusconi’s political discourse is ultimately an ‘emulsion’ of liberalism and populism.
The word is not unintentional, as the two substances combine without mixing together. However, we can clearly distinguish ‘liberal’ topics such as the free market apology or the condemnation of rapacious income taxes from the ‘populist’ ones, for example, the radical simplification of the political struggle between the good people and the bad traditional elites or, above all, the need for immediate answers to people’s wants.
Not surprisingly, this political discourse failed to bring about a liberal revolution in Italy. Orsina explains the failure by unveiling the mistaken premise underlying Berlusconi’s political discourse that Italian society was already liberal and ready to embrace liberal Downloaded by [Universita Studi di Pavia], [Flavio Chiapponi] at 24 October Contemporary Italian Politics 3 ethics, once the voracious, Communist-like state had been defeated.
Looking at Italian society from a ‘Lombard’ point of view, he thought that Italian citizens were ready to manage themselves and able to prosper spontaneously, as many populists do, he probably trusted the people too much. The book has two additional chapters and ends with an epilogue, dealing respectively with a detailed analysis of Berlusconi’s voters, then a periodisation of Berlusconi’s political career (–) and finally with the consequences, for the Italian political system, of Berlusconi’s eclipse.
But, let me conclude this review by stressing the great contribution that Orsina has brought to the study of Berlusconi’s ideology. If I had to enumerate all the reasons why I liked his book, I should have to write several pages. Let me just point out the main ones.
First, he succeeds in placing Berlusconism in an historical perspective, clarifying what is new and what is old in his political discourse. In doing so, he not only gives his analysis a solid empirical foundation, but positively rejects any a priori view of Berlusconi’s originality. Second, the precise identification of the ideological components of Berlusconism will certainly stimulate further investigations, and it calls for closer cooperation between students of contemporary history and political science.
For example, it is not possible to grasp in every respect Berlusconi’s political language or his anti-Communism without taking into account his historical legacy along with that special emulsion between liberalism and populism that Orsina so vividly depicts. Flavio Chiapponi University of Pavia oni © , Flavio Chiapponi